Thomas Munson

Thomas married Sarah Joanna Mew in 1638 in New Haven, New Haven, Connecticut, USA. Sarah was born in 1610; died on 13 Dec 1678 in Hartford, Hartford, Connecticut, USA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Mary married Abraham Munden on 16 Mar 1644 in Springfield, Hampden, Massachusetts, USA. Abraham was born in 1621; died in 1646 in , , Massachusetts, USA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Mary married John Stebbins on 14 Mar 1646 in Springfield, Hampden, Massachusetts, USA. John (son of Rowland Stebbins and Sarah Whiting) was born in 1626 in Bocking, Essex, England; died on 7 Mar 1679 in Northampton, Hampshire, Massachusetts, USA; was buried in Northampton, Hampshire, Massachusetts, USA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Name: Jean Stebbens

John married Dorothy Alexander on 4 Jan 1680 in Boston, Suffolk, Massachusetts, USA. Dorothy (daughter of John Alexander and Beatrice Alexander) was born in 1660 in Newton, Middlesex, Massachusetts, USA; died in 1734 in Newton, Middlesex, Massachusetts, USA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Residence: 1679, Hatfield, Hampshire, Massachusetts, USA
• Residence: 1684, , , Massachusetts, USA

Notes:

THE FIGHT AT BENONI STEBBINS HOUSE
From George Sheldon's History of Deerfield

"The house of Benoni Stebbins stood about eight rods southwest of Ensign Sheldon's. It was occupied by Sgt. Stebbins, his wife and five children; David Hoyt, his wife and child, and probably Joseph Catlin with his wife, and Benjamin Church, a soldier."

(Note: a seasoned soldier who came to Deerfield to help after the Nims/Williams capture the previous fall.)

"There were besides three other men, and perhaps other women and children. This house being "attaqued later than some," the inmates were aroused, made ready to defend themselves, and the assailants were driven back with loss. It was again beset by a strong force, but the little garrison was a match for that. Again later in the morning nearly the whole army surrounded the house, pouring bullets upon it from every quarter. The fire was bravely returned, and several of the enemy fell before the sharp shooters; among them a French lieutenant, the second in command of the expedition. Desperate attempts were now made to set the house on fire, which cost the lives of a Macqua chief and several of his men. The fury of the assailants increased with their losses, but they were forced to leave the field and take shelter in the Sheldon house and the meeting house. From these covers they continued to shower their bullets upon the heroic garrison, which, however, kept them at bay until relieved by the reinforcement. Sgt. Stebbins was killed. Mr. Hoyt was wounded, and also a soldier, probably Church.

"In all the wars of New England there is not a much more gallant act recorded than this defense of an unfortified house, by seven men and a few women, for three hours, against, not only the fury and wiles of an unorganized horde of savages, but also a large force of French soldiers, under officers of the line trained in the wars of France.

"The check received here by the enemy, probably tended strongly to stay the tide of devastation, and so saved the south part of the town."

Biography
Benoni (Benony) Stebbins (Stebbing)

Origins
Benoni was born June 23, 1655 [1] at Springfield, Hampden Co., Massachusetts. He was a son of John Stebbins and Anne Munson. [2]

Early Life
Benoni, at age twelve, with several Northampton friends, planned to run away to join the French. The boys stole money and paid Juanguelatt, an Indian friend, to guide them to Canada. The plot was found out, and all were caught before they had really begun. Benoni was sentenced to either eleven lashes or a fine, for his part in the escapade. His father, John, paid the fine. [2]

Family
Marriages: Benoni was building a cabin for himself and his bride at his father's property at Deerfield, MA, when, on Sept 19, 1677, he was captured by Native Americans as part of the "Ashpelon Raid." As the captives were marched northward, on Oct 2nd, Benoni escaped. The remaining captives narrowly missed torture, (a usual retribution for anyone escaping). In the end, Benoni brought information on the raiders' strength and plans to Major John Pynchon, thus facilitating the rescue. [2]

1. Married 1676 at Deerfield, MA, Mary (Broughton) widow of James Bennett. She died August 2, 1689. [2]

Children: [2]

Ebenezer b 1677
Thankful b 1680
Abigail b 1683
Mindful b 1685
Joseph Feb 6, 1688
Esther Feb 6, 1688, d Jan 26, 1690

2. Married in 1691 at Hannah (Atkinson) widow of Joseph Edwards. Hannah Edwards Stebbins, (d Sept 7, 1735), afterwards married Thomas French. [1]

Children: [2]

Benjamin b 1692
Esther b 1695

Note:
Benoni STEBBINS was widowed with 2 newborns and 4 other children under age 11 (from his first marriage to widowed Mary BROUGHTON Bennett. However he waited 2 years before remarrying again - to widowed Hannah ATKINSON Edwards, another widow. Benoni and Hannah Bore two more children in 1692 and 1695.

Occupation
Benoni was chosen as one of the first recorded Deerfield town officers. Six Selectmen Townsmen or Overseers were chosen. No date is given in the record, but it was probably Dec 16, 1686. In 1692, Benoni was again chosen as one of six Selectman for the ensuing year. At this point, he is identified as "Sergeant Benoni Stebbins." [2]

Queen Anne's War
Queen Anne's War (1702–1713) was fought partly in Massachusetts. The French directed numerous Indian raids on towns in New England, attempting to limit English settlement. One of the more famous was the Deerfield Raid.

Benoni Stebbin's house was a legendary hold-out during the Deerfield Raid. Defended only by seven men and few women with children, they held off professional French troops and "hoards" of Indians for over three hours, until reinforcements arrived. Even attempts to burn the house were rebuffed. Benoni Stebbins was the only fatality. [3]

Benoni Stebbins took the oath of allegiance February 8, 1678

Death and Legacy
February 29, 1703/4, during the attack on Deerfield by the French and Indians, the house of Benoni Stebbins was used as a refuge for about a dozen men, women, and children. The house was beset again and again by forces of more than three hundred. The defenders held out, returning fire, until at last the whole army surrounded them firing from all angles. Every attempt was rebuffed until, at last, reinforcements from Hatfield arrived. Losses included Sargent Stebbins. [2]

NOTE: The house that Benoni Stebbins and his family lived in was the garrison house at Deerfield. His death was a fluke--an Indian shot an arrow through the window of the upper story of the house which struck Benoni in the eye, killing him. No other person who had sought safety in the house was injured.

Attack 17 Sept 1677
Upon the return of peace the scattered inhabitants began to look with longing eyes toward Pocomptuck, and some of the most adventurous returned and began to rebuild their ruined homes. On the 17th of September, 1677, as Sergt. John Plympton, Quintus Stockwell, Benoni Stebbins, John Root, and Samuel Russell were so engaged, they were surprised by a party of Pocomptuck and Nipmuck Indians under Asphelon, who fired upon them and then rushed up with knife and tomahawk. Root was killed and the others captured. Earlier in the day this same party had made a destructive assault upon Hatfield, where they killed 12, wounded 4, and took captive 17 of its inhabitants (all but one of the latter women and children). The Pocomptuck captives were soon joined with these, when the whole party began the fearful march to Canada, the first party of whites ever carried there from New England. It was near dark when they moved, and toward morning they camped in a deep hollow near the mouth of Hearthstone Brook. The next morning the party crossed the Connecticut at Sheldon's Rocks, and again at Peskcompskut, reaching Northfield Meadows the next night. Here they intended stopping to hunt, but, a party of English going in pursuit, they crossed the river and scattered. Benoni Stebbins made his escape soon after. Upon reaching Canada, Sergt. Plympton was tortured to death by fire at a celebration of their success. The rest of the captives, save two who sank on the march, were redeemed through the heroic valor of Benjamin Wait and Stephen Jennings. A full account of their adventurous journey may be looked for in another part of this work.

Sergt Benoni Stebbins part in the February 29th attack
The house of Benoni Stebbins stood about 8 rods southwest of Ensign Sheldon's house, It was occupied by Sergt Stebbins and his wife and 5 children: David Hoyt and his wife and child and probably Joseph Catlin and his wife and child and probably Joseph Church(a soldier). There were others there also. 3 men and perhaps other women and children. These people held off the attack of the French and their Indian comrades. The Stebbins house was surrounded and bullets were poured into it. The people in the Stebbin house were able to return the fire and were able to kill many. Some of those killed were important to the French cause. They were the Macqua Chief and a Frech lieutenant that was the 2nd in command. Sergt. Stebbins was killed during this attack on his house. The French later retreated to the Sheldon house and the meetinghouse and fired on the Stebbin house from those vantage points. Mrs Hoyt and probably Church(soldier) were wounded. Much of this information was taken from George Sheldon's "History of Deerfield".

The Raid on Deerfield occurred during Queen Anne's War on February 29, 1704, when French and Native American forces under the command of Jean-Baptiste Hertel de Rouville attacked the English settlement at Deerfield, Massachusetts just before dawn, burning part of the town and killing 56 villagers.

French organizers of the raid drew on a variety of Indian populations, including in the force of about 300 a number of Pocumtucs who had once lived in the Deerfield area. The diversity of personnel involved in the raid meant that it did not achieve full surprise when they entered the palisaded village. The defenders of some fortified houses in the village successfully held off the raiders until arriving reinforcements prompted their retreat. More than 100 captives were taken, and about 40 percent of the village houses were destroyed.

The raid has been immortalized as a part of the early American frontier story, principally due to the account of one of its captives, the Rev. John Williams. He and his family were forced to make the long overland journey to Canada, and his daughter Eunice was adopted by a Mohawk family; she took up their ways. Williams' account, The Redeemed Captive, was published in 1707 and was widely popular in the colonies.

The Connecticut River valley had been identified as a potential raiding target by authorities in New France as early as 1702. The forces for the raid had begun gathering near Montreal as early as May 1703, as reported with reasonable accuracy in English intelligence reports. However, two incidents intervened that delayed execution of the raid. The first was a rumor that English warships were on the Saint Lawrence River, drawing a significant Indian force to Quebec for its defense. The second was the detachment of some troops, critically including Jean-Baptiste Hertel de Rouville, who was to lead the raid, for operations in Maine (including a raid against Wells that raised the frontier alarms at Deerfield). Hertel de Rouville did not return to Montreal until the fall.

The force assembled at Chambly, just south of Montreal, numbered about 250, and was composed of a diversity of personnel. There were 48 Frenchmen, some of them Canadienmilitia and others recruits from the troupes de la marine, including four of Hertel de Rouville's brothers. The French leadership included a number of men with more than 20 years experience in wilderness warfare. The Indian contingent included 200 Abenakis, Iroquois,Wyandots, and Pocumtucs, some of whom sought revenge for incidents that had taken place years earlier. These were joined by another 30 to forty Pennacooks led by sachemWattanummon as the party moved south toward Deerfield in January and February 1704, raising the troop size to nearly 300 by the time it reached the Deerfield area in late February.

The expedition's departure was not a very well kept secret. In January 1704, New York's Indian agent Pieter Schuyler was warned by the Iroquois of possible action that he forwarded on to Governor Dudley and Connecticut's Governor Winthrop; further warnings came to them in mid-February, although none were specific about the target.

The raiders left most of their equipment and supplies 25 to 30 miles (40 to 48 kilometers) north of the village before establishing a cold camp about 2 miles (3.2 km) from Deerfield on February 28, 1704. From this vantage point they observed the villagers as they prepared for the night. Since the villagers had been alerted to the possibility of a raid, they all took refuge within the palisade, and a guard was posted.

The raiders had noticed that there were snow drifts all the way to the top of the palisade; this greatly simplified their entry into the fortifications just before dawn on February 29. They carefully approached the village, stopping periodically so that the sentry might confuse the noises they made with more natural sounds. A few men climbed over the palisade via the snow drifts and then opened then north gate to admit the rest. Primary sources vary on the degree of alertness of the village guard that night; one account claims he fell asleep, while another claims that he discharged his weapon to raise the alarm when the attack began, but that it was not heard by many people. As the Reverend John Williams later recounted, "with horrid shouting and yelling", the raiders launched their attack "like a flood upon us."

The raiders' attack probably did not go exactly as they had intended. In attacks on Schenectady, New York and Durham, New Hampshire in the 1690s (both of which included Hertel de Rouville's father), the raiders had simultaneously attacked all of the houses; at Deerfield, this did not happen. Historians Haefeli and Sweeney theorize that the failure to launch a coordinated assault was caused by the wide diversity within the attacking force.

Illustration by Howard Pyle showing the journey back to Canada
The raiders swept into the village, and began attacking individual houses. Reverend Williams' house was among the first to be raided; Williams' life was spared when his gunshot misfired, and he was taken prisoner. Two of his children and a servant were slain; the rest of his family and his other servant were also taken prisoner. Similar scenarios occurred in many of the other houses. The residents of Benoni Stebbins' house, which was not among the early ones attacked, resisted the raiders' attacks, which lasted until well after daylight. A second house, near the northwestern corner of the palisade, was also successfully defended. The raiders moved through the village, herding their prisoners to an area just north of the town, rifling houses for items of value, and setting a number of them on fire.

As the morning progressed, some of the raiders began moving north with their prisoners, but paused about a mile north of the town to wait for those that had not yet finished in the village.The men in the Stebbins house kept the battle up for two hours; they were on the verge of surrendering when reinforcements arrived. Early in the raid, young John Sheldon managed to escape over the palisade and began making his way to nearby Hadley to raise the alarm there. The fires from the burning houses had already been spotted, and "thirty men from Hadley andHatfield" rushed to Deerfield. Their arrival prompted the remaining raiders to flee, some of whom abandoned their weapons and other supplies in a panic.

The sudden departure of the raiders and the arrival of reinforcements raised the spirits of the beleaguered survivors, and about 20 Deerfield men joined the Hadley men in chasing after the fleeing raiders. The English and the raiders skirmished in the meadows just north of the village, where the English reported "killing and wounding many of them". However, the pursuit was conducted rashly, and the English soon ran into an ambush prepared by those raiders that had left the village earlier. Of the 50 or so men that gave chase, nine were killed and several more were wounded. After the ambush they retreated back to the village, and the raiders headed north with their prisoners.

As the alarm spread to the south, reinforcements continued to arrive in the village. By midnight, 80 men from Northampton and Springfieldhad arrived, and men from Connecticut swelled the force to 250 by the end of the next day. After debating over what action to take, it was decided that the difficulties of pursuit were not worth the risks. Leaving a strong garrison in the village, most of the militia returned to their homes.

The raiders destroyed 17 of the village's 41 homes, and looted many of the others. They killed 44 residents of Deerfield: 10 men, 9 women, and 25 children, five garrison soldiers, and seven Hadley men. Of those who died inside the village, 15 died of fire-related causes; most of the rest were killed by edged or blunt weapons. They took 109 villagers captives; this represented 40 per cent of the village population. They also took captive three Frenchmen who had been living among the villagers. The raiders also suffered losses, although reports vary. New France's Governor-General Philippe de Rigaud Vaudreuil reported the expedition only lost 11 men, and 22 were wounded, including Hertel de Rouville and one of his brothers. John Williams heard from French soldiers during his captivity that more than 40 French and Indian soldiers were lost; Haefeli and Sweeney believe the lower French figures are more credible, especially when compared to casualties incurred in other raids.

For the 109 English captives, the raid was only the beginning of their troubles. The raiders still had to return to Canada, a 300 miles (480 km) journey, in the middle of winter. Many of the captives were ill-prepared for this, and the raiders were themselves short on provisions. The raiders consequently engaged in a brutal yet common practice: captives were slain when it was clear they would be unable to keep up. Only 89 of the captives survived the ordeal; most of those who either died of exposure or were slain en route were women and children. In the first few days several of the captives escaped. Hertel de Rouville instructed Reverend Williams to inform the others that recaptured escapees would be tortured; there were no further escapes. (The threat was not an empty one — it was known to have happened on other raids.) The French leader's troubles were not only with his captives. The Indians had some disagreements amongst themselves concerning the disposition of the captives, which at times threatened to come to blows. A council held on the third day resolved these disagreements sufficiently that the trek could continue.

According to John Williams' account of his captivity, most of the party traveled up the frozen Connecticut River, then up the Wells River and down the Winooski River to Lake Champlain. From there they made their way to Chambly, at which point most of the force dispersed, with the captives accompanying their captors to their respective villages. Williams' wife Eunice, weak after having given birth just six weeks earlier, was one of the first to die on the trek; her body was recovered and reburied in the Deerfield cemetery.

The raid failed to accomplish one of Governor Vaudreuil's objectives: to instill fear in the English colonists. They instead became angry, and calls went out from the governors of the northern colonies for action against the French colonies. Governor Dudley wrote that "the destruction of Quebeck [sic] and Port Royal [would] put all the Navall stores into Her Majesty's hands, and forever make an end of an Indian War", the frontier between Deerfield and Wells was fortified by upwards of 2,000 men, and the bounty for Indian scalps was more than doubled, from £40 to £100. Dudley also promptly organized a retaliatory raid against Acadia (present-day Nova Scotia). In the summer of 1704, New Englanders under the leadership of Benjamin Church raided Acadian villages at Pentagouet (present-day Castine, Maine), Passamaquoddy Bay (present-daySt. Stephen, New Brunswick), Grand Pré, Pisiquid, and Beaubassin (all in present-day Nova Scotia). Church's instructions included the taking of prisoners to exchange for those taken at Deerfield, and specifically forbade him to attack the fortified capital, Port Royal.

Deerfield and other communities collected funds to ransom the captives, and French authorities and colonists also worked to extricate the captives from their Indian masters. Within a year's time, most of the captives were in French hands, a product of frontier commerce in humans that was fairly common at the time. The French and Indians also engaged in efforts to convert their captives to Roman Catholicism, with modest success. Some of the younger captives, however, were not ransomed, and were adopted into the tribes. Such was the case with Williams' daughter Eunice, who was eight years old when captured. She became thoroughly assimilated, and married a Mohawk man when she was 16. Other captives also remained by choice in Canadian and Native communities such as Kahnawake for the rest of their lives.

Negotiations for the release and exchange of captives began in late 1704, and continued until late 1706. They became entangled in unrelated issues (like the English capture of French privateer Pierre Maisonnat dit Baptiste), and larger concerns, including the possibility of a wider-ranging treaty of neutrality between the French and English colonies. Mediated in part by Deerfield residents John Sheldon and John Wells, some captives were returned to Boston in August 1706. Governor Dudley, who needed the successful return of the captives for political reason, then released the French captives, including Baptiste; the remaining captives that had chosen to return were back in Boston by November 1706.



Previous was taken from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raid_on_Deerfield.

Following was taken from http://www.1704.deerfield.history.museum/popups/people.do?shortName=BenoniStebbins#Attack

I greatly urge anyone who wants to know more on the subject to visit http://www.1704.deerfield.history.museum/home.do# .... they even have a flash video setting the scene!

This is at the end as well, but to put it out there sooner: This narrative was written by Susan McGowan Titus.



More on Benoni and John Stebbins:

1655

Benoni Stebbins, like many Deerfield inhabitants, moved to the village from Northampton. He was an adventurous youth who grew up to become a respected member of the Deerfield community.Illustration copyright Francis Back.
Benoni Stebbins led a risk-filled adventurous life, although he lived only 49 years and spent all of it within the narrow confines of the Connecticut River valley of Massachusetts. He left quite a mark in records from this period.

Born on June 23, 1655, in Springfield, Massachusetts, Benoni Stebbins was one of two surviving children of John Stebbins and his first wife Mary (Munson) Munden. Shortly after the birth of Benoni and the death of his wife, John Stebbins moved his family to Northampton, Massachusetts. John remarried in November of 1657, to Abigail Bartlett who then became stepmother to 10-year-old John and two-year-old Benoni. John and Abigail would become parents to 11 more children, one born every two years from 1659 to 1678. It must have been a crowded and often chaotic house by 1678, the year Benoni left home to be married.

When he was 12 years old, Benoni got in trouble with the law. In 1667 his name appeared in the Hampshire County Court Records when three "lads"—Benoni Stebbins, his older brother John, and Godfrey Nims—were found guilty of stealing twelve shillings of silver and seven of wampum while "townsmen were in church." The boys took the money to pay a local Indian, Quanquelatt, who had promised to help them run away to Canada.

Who was Quanquelatt? He must have lived in Northampton and knew enough English to communicate with the boys. As a Native of the valley, he may have had kinsmen who had moved north to Native villages, along the Saint Lawrence River, and so could entice the boys with thoughts of a walk to a foreign land. In any event, the court instructed them to return the money and suffer a punishment of lashes on their naked backs—perhaps in full view of the townspeople—15 to the ring leader, John, and 11 each to the two accomplices. Quanquelatt received 20 lashes. Dreams of adventure in Canada were soon only a memory.

In 1676, at age 21, Benoni was again in court—this time for "wearing his hair too long." In 1677, he married a woman named Mary Bennet who had similar spirit and disregard for the law and who, one year later, was admonished for violating the sumptuary laws and fined 10 shillings. Benoni refused to pay Mary's fine, and drew his own fine for "openly affronting the Court."

Assault on Peskeompskut
May, 1676

Illustration copyright Francis Back.
The Falls Fight

Belligerence and indignation may not be desirable human qualities in town or social affairs, but they may be seen as attributes in times of war—and in 1675 war came to the English settlements in the mid-Connecticut Valley for the first time. Metacom, a Wampanoag, (called King Philip by the English) had begun raiding English towns in the eastern part of New England early in the summer of 1675, and by late summer fighting had spread to western Massachusetts. Native peoples burned houses and killed livestock in an effort to reclaim land taken from them by the English. In the spring of 1676, Benoni Stebbins and Godfrey Nims, two of the "lads" from the 1667 court case, were among the approximately 150 men who answeredCaptain William Turner's plea for volunteers to attack an Indian camp at a place called Peskeompskut on the Connecticut River.


Metacom, called King Philip by English colonists, was a Wampanoag sachem who lead an allied force of Native people from present-day New England in a war to stymie English expansion in Native homelands.Copyright Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association. All Rights Reserved.
Benoni was still living at home with his parents when Northampton was attacked on March 14,1676, and the new palisade breached. Had he and Godfrey Nims, as energetic, eager residents, helped to build the palisade? And were they now eager for revenge? Captain Turner's daring plan may have provided the opportunity they had been waiting for.

The "army" of Captain Turner would attack the Indian camp at Peskeompskut, one of the most popular fishing spots along the Connecticut River, where people from different Native nations traditionally gathered in the spring to fish the shad and salmon and hunt the surrounding woods for game. The fighting force under Captain Turner contained both militia men from eastern Massachusetts and volunteers—more than half of whom, like Stebbins and Nims—came from towns in the Connecticut River Valley. They gathered at Hatfield, each one with his own horse and as armed as he could manage. The 20-mile march began on the evening of May 18, to the site of the falls of the Connecticut where the large party of Native peoples were camped.

The route took the men past the site of the Bloody Brook ambush of September 18, 1675, and Benoni must have told his fellow soldiers as they crossed the stream, about the military exploits of his older brother John. John Stebbins was the only Englishman known to have survived that attack and he was still a soldier, now serving with Captain Moseley, fighting to subdue Philip.

Northward they rode to the main street of the ruined English village at Pocumtuck (Deerfield), where they saw the houses scorched by Native raiders in the late summer of 1675. Both Benoni and Godfrey had land claims in the burned-out village. Benoni's grandfather Rowland—an original Deerfield proprietor—drew Lot 13 in 1671, and Godfrey Nims, himself, had bought land there in 1674. Perhaps the two young men wondered, as they passed the gaping cellar holes and stark chimney shadows, if houses—their houses —would ever line that street again.

At dawn on May 19, 1676, Captain Turner and his band of raiders reached the river and commenced a surprise attack on the sleeping Native camp. The assault resulted in the death of over 300 Indians, most of them children, women and the elderly. Arriving Native warriors pursued the English and killed 38 of them, including Captain Turner. Both Benoni and Godfrey escaped unharmed.



Strife and Survival in the Connecticut River Valley

Ashpelon's Raid

By the time Metacom's War was winding down in the late summer of 1676, the English could find few obvious signs of Indians in the Connecticut River Valley. Many had moved westward to Schaghticoke, or northward to settle in Native villages along the Saint Lawrence River. Others had retreated into isolated areas of their homelands in southern New England.

By the summer of 1677, a handful of displaced Englishmen, living in Northampton or Hatfield, were making tentative efforts to resettle the English village at Pocumtuck, or Deerfield as they had begun to call it. In an attempt to rebuild, a small party of young men—22-year-old Benoni Stebbins among them—was led by 57-year-old Sergeant John Plympton.

What brought Benoni to such a dangerous place at such a perilous time? He was a risk taker, there in spite of certain danger, with the intent of claiminthe homelot his grandfather had been granted when the town was originally laid out in 1671. Benoni was probably making plans for a house on land that he was sure to inherit from his father.

Not long after they arrived at Pocumtuck on the evening of September 19, 1677, a band of 26 Indians, under the leadership of Ashpelon, struck. All the attackers are believed to have been Natives originally from the middle Connecticut River Valley, survivors of Metacom's War, who had—according to Benoni Stebbins—fled north and lived with the French after the war. Stebbins identified them as "Norowottuck, all except one, a Narragansett,"and described the marauders as composed of "eighteen fighting men and the rest two squaws, old men and boys." Some of the captors must have been English-speaking, since Stebbins reported that they revealed that the French had "Incouraged them" to take captives, paying eight pounds apiece, and further that the "french Indians did intend to come with them the next time in spring or winter if they had success this time."

Of the would-be Deerfield settlers, four were captured: Sergeant Plympton, Quinton Stockwell, eight-year-old Samuel Russell, and Benoni Stebbins. The four were taken to East Mountain where they joined 17 captives—some of whom they knew — taken captive earlier that day in Hatfield. Because there were nearly as many captives as captors, the English were fastened securely at night by "staking down" their limbs. This involved stretching out arms and legs and fastening them to the ground with stakes, and tying cord around the neck so they could not stir. Quinton Stockwell remembered "being much tired, I slept as comfortable as ever."

The long journey to Canada began the next day. When the group reached a point two days above Squaheag (Northfield), they paused. The leader decided that part of their company should travel to the "Wotchuset" hills to "fetch away two small company of Indians that had lived there." Benoni was, at this time, sent off with two squaws and a mare "to fetch some hucleberies (huckleberries) a little way from the company." Stebbins contemplated the risk and seized the opportunity to take the horse and escape. The fact that he "got upon the mare and rid til he tired the mare and then run on foot, and so escaped to Hadley, being 2 days without victuals," demonstrated again his dogged determination to survive.

For the next five years, Benoni Stebbins was probably living in Northampton. He and his wife Mary's first child, Ebenezer, was born August 4, 1678, followed by Thankful on March 10, 1680.

Life in Deerfield


This map shows the placement of Lot 13, Benoni Stebbins's houselot and fields. Click here to take a closer look.
Copyright Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association. All Rights Reserved.
Resettlement of the town of Pocumtuck, soon renamed Deerfield, began in 1682. As expected, Benoni did inherit Lot 13 when his father died in 1679, and in 1682 or 1683 he built a house. The lot was conveniently located in the center of the village on Meeting House hill, just north of the ministry lot where the town would build a house and barn for their new pastor, the Reverend John Williams, when he arrived in June of 1686. Benoni's older brother, John, settled further north on the Deerfield street, on Lot 35.

At the December town meeting, Benoni Stebbins, age 31, began his service to the new town by agreeing to serve as selectman, one of the most esteemed offices, and probably one that involved the most work. His fellow selectmen ranged in age from 27 to 51 and were five in number. Election to town offices, particularly the positions of moderator, selectman, and clerk, suggested that the individual was highly regarded by his fellow townsmen. Stebbins apparently served well for he was elected again in 1689, 1692, and 1701. Before he was 40, Benoni was one of the wealthiest land owners in Deerfield. He not only owned the well-situated homelot, but also 26cow commons second only to the 30 owned by Lt. Thomas Wells. The majority of Deerfield men held between 10 and 20 cow commons. Only seven men had fewer than five.

Benoni Stebbins, like so many of his neighbors, was a farmer, and his days were governed by the seasons. Each day, except Sunday, the yeomen farmers walked to their barns or to the north or south meadows to plant and tend crops, mend fences, and care for their livestock. Men owned their cropland individually, the farmland laid out in long strips and apportioned to each homelot. At times, both labor and equipment were shared. The town meeting regulated grazing seasons, planting times, and the raising and lowering of fences. Deerfield farmers produced wheat, malt, hops, peas, barley, rye, hay and corn and there were cattle and some pigs; many men, including Benoni Stebbins, owned a horse. While a farmer's work was largely seasonal, women's work was constant and included repeated daily chores such as cooking and child care; and chores dictated by the change of season, such as soap and candle making, planting of the kitchen garden, and all the household concerns having to do with preparation for winter. Women's days revolved around these household tasks and the raising of the children.

Mary Stebbins had given birth to twins, Joseph and Esther, on February 6, 1689, but she died two months after their birth, leaving Benoni with two newborns and four other children under age 11. Many widowers, unskilled in the care of young children, married again within months. Benoni, however, waited two years before he married again — this time to another widow, Hannah Edwards; she bore him two more children in 1692 and 1695. His oldest daughter, Thankful, was only nine-years-old when her mother died. At that age, was she already trained enough in household routines to help to hold the family together?

The February 1690 town meeting had as its main order of business "that yr shall be a good sufficient fortification made upon the meeting hous hill." Benoni Stebbins, age 34, was one of a committee of seven appointed by the town to see to the building of a wooden palisade that would enclose an area large enough to shelter the whole population of Deerfield, 202 rods (one rod = 16 feet) around. The fort was ordered to be "don & finished by 8 March," only two weeks away. Benoni and his committee must have called upon every able-bodied man in the village of some 240 to 250 people to fell the trees, hew the logs, dig the trenches, and position the finished pickets. This, in the dead of winter. The people of Deerfield were impelled to make this utmost effort by news of a French and Kanienkehaka (Mohawk) attack on the town of Schenectady, New York, on February 18, and the fear that they would be the next target.

In addition to the building of the fortification, the town meeting determined that if there were families in houses outside the fort that could not be "conveniently received" by those in houses inside the fort, that they should have "habitations" provided for, inside the fort at the town's expense. Again Benoni stepped up to help, and he and two others were appointed to determine where the said houses or cellars would be located and how large they would be. A large attack did not come during the 1690s, though seven small raids killed a total of 12, wounded 5 and captured 5.

With the palisade in place, the town relaxed a little and looked toward more peaceful building projects as they began to make plans for a new meeting house. The new building was to take the place of the one raised soon after 1682 at the resettlement, and was to be of "ye bigness of Hatfield meeting house only ye height to be left to ye judgement and determination of ye committee..." Although we believe the meeting house was not completed until 1695, the town voted on March 11, 1693, "that the new meeting hous shall now be seated."

Seating the meeting house was a delicate issue and a cause of frequent social agitation. Age, rank, and dignity —the qualities that determined the seating plan — were not necessarily easy to determine, fairly and precisely. Only the bold would agree to be appointed to undertake this difficult charge, and they were David Hoyt, Deacon John Sheldon, and Benoni Stebbins.

Education of Children


A primary reason to teach children to read in seventeenth-century New England was so the populous could study the Bible.Copyright Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, All Rights Reserved.


The education of children in a Protestant community was a standard commitment in New England. Residents were expected to be able to read the Bibleand, as a result, the literacy rate was high, even in the little towns along the knife-edge of the frontier. Benoni's name appears in the records of 1698, along with that of John Catlin and William Armes, as members of the committee to build a school house and hire a school master. Four of Benoni's children were of school age.

In that same year, Benoni and his family—which now included a wife and seven children—felt the need to replace their house, a part of which Benoni had sold to John Catlin, who then moved it to his Lot 26, down the street to the south. In December Benoni petitioned the town for an exchange of land; he proposed to trade a piece of his property for a piece of town land at the front of his homelot; this would allow him to build his new dwelling within the protection of the fort. The petition was granted on June 12, 1699, and the building of the house probably commenced in the summer months. We may safely date his house, which figured so largely in the attack of February 1704, to the year 1699.



Attack on Deerfield
February 29, 1704

The new Stebbins house was framed with wooden timbers, as were all the houses in town, and although not fortified in the classic sense of having heavy doors and slots for shooting, its walls were filled with brick nogging, giving it added protection from musket fire. Four years after the house was finished, that musket fire began. It was on February 29, 1704, about an hour before daylight, when a large party of French and Indians breached the palisade and swarmed through the "protected" portion of the town of Deerfield. Neighbors had taken refuge in the house of Benoni and Hannah Stebbins, and their family of five children. Known to have been in the house that night were: David Hoyt, Jr. and his wife Mary with their nine-month-old baby Mary; Joseph Catlin and his wife Hannah, six months pregnant and with a boy under two years; and Benjamin Church, a soldier. Also in the house were three other men and an unknown number of women and children.

The men in the Stebbins house drove back the assailants repeatedly, but later, nearly the whole force of the enemy surrounded the house, pouring bullets from every quarter. Again, Benoni and his now desperate allies returned the fire as the raiders attempted, unsuccessfully, to set fire to the house. The attackers, in a desperate move, tried to bargain with the defenders, offering mercy if they laid down their arms. They refused. Benoni had suffered the humiliation of captivity once and he did not want to be taken prisoner again. The fury of the English increased, and the assailants were forced to take cover in both the meeting house and Sheldon house next door on the north. From these buildings they continued to shower the Stebbins house with heavy musket fire. The fight lasted nearly three hours and, only as the enemy withdrew, chased by arriving militiamen from the neighboring towns, did the Stebbins house finally catch fire, probably lit by embers blowing from other houses that were burning.

Epilogue

1704

Of his family, only Benoni was killed; his wife and five children were spared. According to the Table of Losses, compiled by Colonel Samuel Partridge for Governor Fitz John Winthrop of Connecticut, Stebbins lost real estate amounting to three hundred pounds — houses and "all goods Barn & Cattl burnt." The only property of similar high value lost that February night belonged to the Reverend Williams. The Stebbins estate was settled on March 8, 1704, with Hannah Stebbins, "Widow and Relict," as inheritor. Hannah later married Deacon Thomas French, town clerk of Deerfield, whose wife was killed on the march to Canada. French's house, located across the common from Benoni's, was still standing after the attack.

Of the other Deerfielders in the house that night, David Hoyt, Jr. was killed in the Meadows fight chasing the attackers; his wife Mary had been wounded in the assault, but survived to marry again, in 1706, to Samuel Field who survived that same Meadows fight. Joseph Catlin was another of the nine men who fell in the Meadows fight; his wife Hannah had been wounded and carried to Northampton where she gave birth to a son John, in June 1704.

Across the common, on Lots 27 and 28, Benoni Stebbins's old comrade Godfrey Nims endured a night of hell: four children killed; three captured; his wife captured and killed on the march to Canada; his house, barn, and all possessions and livestock, burned. Godfrey, himself, survived the attack, but died soon after, possibly of injuries suffered during the attack, but perhaps from a broken heart.

The two renegades, Godfrey Nims and Benoni Stebbins, challenged life all the years they lived—from their scheme to run off to Canada when they were boys, to the defense of their homes against attack 37 years later; both died violently in a violent time.

Benoni's brother John, older by eight years, lost his house and all his possessions. He and his wife and six children survived and were carried off to Canada, but only John, his wife, and John, Jr., returned to rebuild. When John wrote his will in 1723, he noted the names of his children who were still in Canada: Abigail, born 1687; Samuel, born 1688; Thankful, born 1691; Ebenezer, born 1694; and Joseph, born 1699. Of these, only Samuel appears to have returned, in the late 1720s.

About This Narrative

Benoni Stebbins was a real person who left evidence of his life – in court, in war, and in family and land records. He was a member of the third generation of Stebbines in this country: grandfather, Rowland (1594-1671) came to Ispwich from England in 1634; father, John (1626-1679), settled in Springfield and in Northampton. Benoni and his older brother John were early settlers in Deerfield. This narrative was written by Susan McGowan Titus.

Additional information on the Stebbins Faminly From the Deerfield Museum online:

Benoni Stebbins
Benoni was the son of John and Mary Munson Stebbins, born on June 23, 1655. As a youth he conspired to "run away to the French," but was caught and punished. Benoni fought in King Philip's War, and was captured by Indians, but escaped in 1677. He was a Deerfield selectman, town assessor, and constable. Benoni married Mary Broughton in 1677. They had six children before she died in 1689. He had two more with his second wife, Hannah. Benoni built a fortified house on his father's house lot within the stockade. In the 1704 attack, seven men and a few women successfully defended the house for over two-and-a-half hours. Benoni was killed in that defense.

Dorothy Stebbins
Born Dorothy Alexander, she was the daughter of John Alexander of Newton, MA. Her house, situated north of the stockade, was burned in the raid, and she and her entire family were taken captive. She, her husband, and eldest son returned to Deerfield. Her husband died in 1724. There is a record of her residing in Newton in 1733.

Ebenezer Stebbins
Ebenezer was born in Deerfield December 5, 1694. His parents were John Stebbins, one of the early Deerfield settlers, and Dorothy Alexander Stebbins of Newton. His entire family was taken captive in the raid and his home was burned. Though seemingly inclined to return to New England, Ebenezer remained in New France. On June 29, 1708, he was baptized Jacques Charles. He lived at Boucherville with his sister Abigail, renamed Marguerite, and her French husband. Nothing is known of Ebenezer beyond his French naturalization in 1710.

John Stebbins
John was a carpenter and soldier. He is the only man known to have escaped unharmed from the 1675 attack at Bloody Brook in King Philip's War. He married Dorothy Alexander of Newton. They had six children. All were captured and their house, situated north of the stockade, was burned. It is believed that none were killed in the raid or on the march north because John's daughter Abigail had married a Frenchman, Jacques de Noyon. Five of John's children remained in Canada. Only John, his wife, and their eldest child returned before the war's end. He died in 1724, leaving a will that offered one-eighth of his lands to any of his children who would return to Deerfield. Only his son Samuel and his grandson Aaron took up the offer.

John Stebbins (Jr.)
John was born about 1685. His father, John, was an early English settler of Deerfield, and his mother was Dorothy Alexander of Newton. He and his entire family were taken into captivity in the 1704 attack and their house was burned. John and his parents returned to Deerfield before the war's end. Five siblings remained in Canada for many years.

Joseph Stebbins
Joseph was born in Deerfield, April 12, 1699. He was the son of John Stebbins, one of the early Deerfield settlers, and Dorothy Alexander Stebbins of Newton. In the 1704 attack, his house burned and he, his parents, and all six children were taken captive. Joseph never came back to Deerfield, despite his father's offer of an eighth part of his lands were he to return. Joseph instead, chose to remain in New France, where he married Marguerite Sanssoucy around 1734. The couple settled in Chambly, where they had eight children. Joseph died on April 23, 1753

Samuel Stebbins
Samuel was born December 25, 1688 to John Stebbins, one of the early Deerfield settlers, and Dorothy Alexander Stebbins of Newton. Samuel was taken captive with his parents, three brothers and two sisters. His home was burned. While in New France, he lived close by several siblings. Samuel remained in New France until 1728. He was lured back to Deerfield by his father's will, which offered him one-eighth of his father's lands on the condition that he return.

Thankful Stebbins
Thankful was born in Deerfield on September 5, 1691 to John and Dorothy Alexander of Newton. She was taken captive with her entire family and her home was burned. Soon after her arrival at Chambly, she was ransomed from her Indian captors by Joseph Francois Hertel. On April 23, 1707, Thankful was baptized Louise Theresse Stebens. She married Charles-Adrien Legrain, called Lavalle, on February 4, 1711. She bore 10 children, then died giving birth to the eleventh, in 1729.

Benoni married Hannah Atkinson in 1691 in , , Massachusetts, USA. Hannah was born on 5 Jan 1653 in Boston, Suffolk, Massachusetts, USA; died on 7 Sep 1735 in Deerfield, Franklin, Massachusetts, USA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events and Attributes:

• Name: Abigaïl-Marguerite Stebbens Marguerite Gabrielle Abigale Stebenne
• Baptism: 28 May 1708, Montréal, Quebec, Canada

Other Events and Attributes:

• Name: Louise-Thérèse Stebenne
• Baptism: 23 Apr 1707, Chambly, La Vallée-du-Richelieu, Quebec, Canada
• Married: 1711

Thankful married Adrien Charles LeGrain Dit Lavallee on 4 Feb 1711 in Boucherville, Chambly, La Vallée-du-Richelieu, Quebec, Canada. Adrien was born in 1688 in Boucherville, Chambly, La Vallée-du-Richelieu, Quebec, Canada; died on 18 Mar 1758 in St Mathius, Chambly, La Vallée-du-Richelieu, Quebec, Canada; was buried on 18 Mar 1758 in St Mathius, Chambly, La Vallée-du-Richelieu, Quebec, Canada. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Notes:

Benjamin Stebbins and The Battle of Ridgefield

The Discovery Center at Ridgefield
http://ridgefielddiscovery.org/page/benstebbins

Benjamin Stebbins
September 30, 1692 - September 6, 1780

Benjamin Stebbins was born in Deerfield, Franklin County, Massachusetts in 1692. When he was 9-years-old, his family was killed in the Deerfield Massacre. He was raised by cousins and learned the tanner trade. In 1714, he was offered a large piece of land at the north end of Main Street in exchange for setting up a much-needed tannery in Ridgefield. The land was heavily forested, with steep precipices and ledges. But Stebbins gladly agreed. He started out living in a bark hut while he gradually built one of the grandest homes in town. Completed in 1727, it stayed in the Stebbins family until 1892, when its new owners demolished it.

A tanner was a very important tradesman for a pioneer community. He converted animal hides into useable leather for shoes, clothes, bags, saddles, etc. The process is long and smelly but very profitable. By 1746, the tax list showed Benjamin Stebbins to be Ridgefield’s wealthiest citizen. He was elected town Selectman five times and also represented Ridgefield in the colonial legislature.

Benjamin Stebbins married Sarah Mead in 1718 and fathered nine children. The American Revolution divided the Stebbins family. Three of his sons chose to side with the patriots. Benjamin and his sons Benjamin, Jr. and Josiah remained loyal to The Crown. Josiah loyalty was so passionate that he was brought to trial by his patriot Ridgefield neighbors for his Tory activities. As a result, he had to post a 300 pound sterling bond and promise "quiet behavior". Later he joined the British army and was involved with the burning of Danbury. Afterward, he helped guide the British forces into Ridgefield and it was said managed to get some revenge on his old neighbors by pointing out their homes to be burned.

The famous barricade in the Battle of Ridgefield was built across the road in front of the Stebbins’ house. During the fighting, 85-year-old Benjamin tried to hide in the upstairs bedroom but bullets tore holes in the door. After the battle, Josiah’s alliance with the British saved the house from being burned. Instead, it served as a makeshift hospital, with Benjamin’s daughter, Anna, treating the wounded in the west room. For generations, tourists would come to see the bullet-scarred walls and bloodstained floors. Many of the British and American soldiers who died in the battle were buried on the property. A commemorative stone near the entrance to Casagmo Condominium notes the location. Benjamin & Sarah Stebbins are buried in the Titicus Cemetery.

The Stebbins Genealogy
by Greenlee, Ralph Stebbins, 1838-; Greenlee, Robert Lemuel, 1838-
Publication date 1904
Publisher Chicago, Ill. : M.A. Donahue
pp164-165

https://archive.org/details/stebbinsgen ealog01ingree

Col Rec. of Ct XIII p. 359.

Bailey's Hist, of Danbury Ct. pp. 80-82

American Illst. (1888)


BENJAMIN STEBBINS
son of Benoni Stebbins and Widow Hannah Edwards, was born September 30, 1692 (T. R.), at Deerfield, Massachusetts; died September 16, 1780 (T. R.), at Ridgefield, Connecticut; married August 14, 1718 (T. R.), at Ridgefield, Connecticut, to SARAH MEAD, born November 3, 1695, at Greenwich, Connecticut; died May 1, 1774 (T. R.), at Ridgefield, Fairfield County, Connecticut, who was a daughter of Joseph Mead and Sarah. Occupation, farmer. Resided at Deerfield, Ridgefield, Connecticut, and Northampton, Massachusetts.

CHILDREN, all born at Ridgefield, Conn. :
368. I. Benjamin, born August 21, 1721 (T. R.) ; married Elizabeth Olmstead.+
369. II. Ebenezer, born January 24, 1723 (T. R.) ; married Ann Davis.+
370. III. Esther, born 1724; married Deacon John Benedict.+
371. IV. Theophilus, born May 16. 1726 (T. R.) ; married Ann Couch.+
372. V. Hannah, born March 28, 1728 (T. R.) ; married John Sherwood.+
373. VI. Nehemiah, born November 1, 1729 (T. R.) ; married Sarah Jessup.-f-
374. VII. Josiah, born April 21, 1733 (T. R.) ; married first, Ruth Rockwell; married second, Mary Burr.+
375. VIII. Joseph, born July 4, 1735 (T. R.) ; married Joanna Smith. +
376. IX. Sarah, born April 15, 1737 (T. R.) [see Unidentified, S.]

BENJAMIN STEBBINS was one of the earliest settlers of Ridgefield, Connecticut, and in 1770 was its Representative to the General Assembly. He built and resided in the house which in 1896 was standing on an eminence at the head of the village. From this house he witnessed the repulse of the British, by Benedict Arnold and his men.

The STEBBINS house was one of the oldest in the town, having been built in 1733, soon after the settlement was made. Its withered boards and shingles, dun and weather-stained by the sunshine and frosts of innumerable seasons, shaded by lofty trees and overhanging vines, spoke of times now almost forgotten and of vague traditions of the past. Here it was that on April 27, 1777, Arnold awaited the enemy's approach, fearless and undaunted, although the odds against him were overwhelming. The following graphic account of the repulse will be found interesting:

"On arriving at Ridgefield, Arnold hastily constructed a barricade of wagons, logs, and carts, across the village street, at its upper end, between the residence of BENJAMIN STEBBINS and a large ledge of rocks to the west of the road.

There was little military organization in a force gathered so hastily from different directions, save in the obedience to a superior's orders. The greater portion of those who stood behind the barricade were unused to war; and had gone out to save their homes from destruction rather than to do battle with an enemy.

The fight at the STEBBINS house was stubborn and bloody. Between forty and fifty Americans were killed. Several of the dead were buried beneath the apple tree, since decayed, back of the house, which afterwards became the residence of Mr. Abner Gilbert. At the time of the attack Benjamin Stebbins occupied the Stebbins house. He was a cripple and could not get away. His son, Josiah, sympathized with the Royalist cause ; and happened to accompany the British on their march from Danbury. Several times during the fight the old house was set on fire, but the son succeeded in quenching the flames. His aged and crippled father had a narrow escape. In the midst of the conflict he sought seclusion in a little bedroom with a window looking out on the meadow to the east. He had been told that the British were on their way from Danbury, and that he must flee for his life. To this entreaty he replied: "No, not one step! I am too old to fight, or I would be at them; but I will never leave this chair, and if they want to kill me, they can do it here." The window was open. The bullets of the enemy penetrated the house, passing through inner doors and partitions. All at once a musket ball whizzed close to his head, splintering the chair where the sturdy old patriot sat, and ripping a long ragged hole through the bedroom door. Fortunately he was not injured. During the battle, the house was used as a hospital for the wounded, and stains of blood that flowed from the wounds of a young British officer, who died there, are still visible on the seasoned oak floor of the long west room.

The old well now stands at it then stood, and supplies the best of water, as it did on that April day, to the suffering men who lay in agony within reach of its kindly aid.

History of Danbury, Conn., 1684-1896
by Bailey, James M. (James Montgomery), 1841-1894; Hill, Susan Benedict
Publication date 1896
Publisher New York : Burr Print. House
https://archive.org/details/historyofdanbury00baila

CHAPTER XV.

THE FIGHT IN RIDGEFIELD.
There are several accounts of this engagement, which was a part of the battle opened by Wooster. According to the accounts, Arnold and Silliman must have reached Ridgefield about the time that Wooster received his fatal wound, at eleven o'clock on Sunday morning. The firing in that fight must have been distinctly heard by Arnold and Silliman.

In the issue of the Connecticut Journal, printed the latter part of that week, May 2d, appeared an account of the raid in Danbury and the fight in Ridgefield. Of the latter it says :

" General Arnold, by a forced march across the country, reached Ridgefield at eleven o'clock, and having posted his small party of five hundred men, waited the approach of the enemy, who were soon discovered advancing in a column with three field pieces in front and three in the rear, and large flank guards of war, two hundred men in each. At noon they began discharging their artillery, and were soon within musket-shot, when a smart action ensued between the whole, which continued about an hour, in which our men behaved with great spirit, but being overpowered by numbers were obliged to give way, though not until the enemy were raising a small breastwork, thrown across the way, at which General Arnold had taken post with about two hundred men (the rest of our small body were posted on the flanks), who acted with great spirit. The general had his horse shot under him, when the enemy were within about ten yards of him, but luckily received no hurt. Recovering himself, he drew his pistol and shot the soldier, who was advancing with his bayonet. He then ordered his troops to retreat through a shower of small and grape shot.

" In the action the enemy suffered very considerably, leaving about thirty dead and wounded on the ground, besides a number of unknown buried. Here we had the misfortune of losing Lieutenant-Colonel Gold, one subaltern, and several privates killed and wounded.

" It was found impossible to rally our troops, and General Arnold ordered a stand to be made at Saugatuck Bridge, where it was expected the enemy would pass.

" At nine o'clock a.m. the 28th about five hundred men were collected at Saugatuck Bridge, including part of the companies of Colonel Lamb's battalion of artillery, with three field pieces, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Oswald ; a field piece with part of the artillery company from Fairfield, sixty Continental troops, and three companies of volunteers from New Haven, with whom General Arnold and Silliman took post about two miles above the bridge. Soon after the enemy appeared in sight their rear was attacked by Colonel Huntington (commanding an army of about five hundred men), who sent to General Arnold for instructions, and for some officers to assist him.

" General Silliman was ordered to his assistance. The enemy finding our troops advantageously posted made a halt, and after some little time wheeled off to the left and forded Saugatuck River, three miles above the bridge. General Arnold observing this motion, ordered the whole to march directly for the bridge in order to attack the enemy in the flank. General Silliman at the same time to attack their rear. The enemy, by running full speed, had passed the bridge on Fairfield side with their main body before our troops could cross it. General Silliman finding it impossible to overtake the enemy on their route, proceeded to the bridge, where the whole were formed. They marched in two columns, one with two field pieces on the right, the other on the left of the enemy, when a smart skirmishing and firing of field pieces ensued, which continued about three hours.

" The enemy having gained the high hill of Compo, several attempts were made to dislodge them, but without effect. The landed a number of fresh troops to cover their embarkation, which they effected a little before sunset, weighed anchor immediately, and stood across the sound for Huntington, on Long Island. Our loss cannot be exactly ascertained, no return being made. It is judged to be about sixty killed and wounded. Among the killed are one lieutenant-colonel, one captain, four subalterns, and Dr. David Atwater, of New Haven, whose death is greatly lamented by his acquaintances. Among the number wounded are Colonel John Lamb (of artillery), Amah Bradley, and Timothy Gorliam, volunteers from New Haven, though not mortally.

" The enemy's loss is judged to be more than double our number, and about twenty prisoners. The enemy on this occasion behaved with their usual barbarity, wantonly and cruelly murdering the wounded prisoners who fell into their hands, and plundering the inhabitants, burning and destroying everything in their way. The enemy, the day before they left Fairfield,
were joined by ten sail, chiefly small sail."

In the March number (1888) of the Magazine of American History, Clifford Bartlett gives a very interesting account of the American side of the conflict in Ridgefield. He says :

" On arriving at Ridgefield, Arnold constructed a barricade across the village street, at its upper end, near the residence of Benjamin Stebbins. The Stebbins house is one of the oldest in the town. It antedates anything of the Revolution in Ridgefield. Here it was that Arnold awaited the enemy's approach, fearless and undaunted, although the odds against him were overwhelming.

" The barricade was made of logs, wagons, and carts, anything the little army could gather for that purpose. The greater part of those who stood behind that barricade were unused to war, and had gone out to save their homes from destruction rather than to do battle with an enemy.

" It was Sunday morning. A thick mass of vapor hung over the earth, with an occasional shower, until about eleven o'clock, when the sky lightened for a moment, revealing the wooded slopes of the Danbury hills, blue and purple in the distance, only again to be hidden by the sweeping masses of clouds.

" When within a few miles of Ridgefield General Wooster fell upon the rear of the column, and a sharp engagement ensued, in which forty Hessians were captured. Still the enemy continued their advance."

The writer speaks briefly of Wooster' s second attack, when he received the fatal wound, and then continues :

" Stephen Rowe Bradley, then an aide-de-camp to General Wooster, assumed command, and gathering the scattered troops together retired from the field in good order.

" Arnold and his men awaited the coming storm with breathless anxiety. At about noon the British, advancing in three columns, came within range, when General Agnew ordered the artillery to attack. When within musket range the engagement became general. Being unable to dislodge the Continental at the front, a strong body of Hessians under Agnew finally turned the left of Arnold's position. A column of infantry suddenly appeared over the ledge of rocks, and discharged a volley at General Arnold at a distance of not over thirty yards. He escaped being hit ; his horse fell, being pierced by nine musket balls. The fact that the horse was struck nine times was vouched for by a farmer, who with the aid of some boys skinned the animal the next day.

" The fight at the Stebbins house was stubborn and bloody. Between forty and fifty Americans were killed.

" Colonel Abram Gould was shot about eighty yards east of the Stebbins house, and his body was carried on his horse to his home in Fairfield, where he was buried. His sash and uniform are now in the Trumbull Gallery in New Haven.

" Lieutenants Middlebrook* and William Thompson were killed. Several of the dead were buried beneath an apple-tree, since decayed, back of the house, now the residence of Abner Gilbert. At the time of the battle Benjamin Stebbins occupied the Stebbins house. His son, Josiah, sympathized with the Royalist cause, and happened to accompany the British on their march from Daubury. Several times during the fight the house caught fire, but the son succeeded in quenching the flames. His crippled father had a narrow escape. In the midst of the conflict he sought seclusion in a little bedroom with a window looking out on the meadow to the east, as the bullets were rattling through the gable end of the old homestead on the roadway. The window was open. All at once a bullet whizzed close to his head and ripped a long, ragged hole through the bedroom door.

The room still remains in the same condition, and the door still swings on its rusty hinges. The house was riddled with bullets, and struck several times by solid shot. There are three cannonballs yet to be seen at the house. Many others have been lost or carried away.

" During the battle the house was used as a hospital for the wounded, and stains of blood that flowed from the wounds of a young British officer, who died there, are to be seen on the seasoned oak floor of the long west room.

" The old well now stands as it then stood, and supplies the best of water, as it did on that April day to the suffering men who lay in agony within reach of its kindly aid.

" It has been thought that the battle ended with the attack by Wooster and the fight at the Stebbins house. This is probably incorrect. There are strong reasons for the belief that as the British advanced their progress through the town was contested with stubborn bravery. Had this not been so, they would not have had to employ their artillery after dislodging the patriots from behind the barricade ; and that the artillery was used throughout their progress through the village is beyond controversy.

" Besides the cannon-balls at the Stebbins house, a solid shot was unearthed a few years ago while repairing the highway in front of the residence of Governor Lounsbury. Then there is the famous shot embedded in the Keeler tavern, besides numerous cannon-balls which have been found at different points along the course of the march maintained through the town, the redcoats pressing forward and the patriots falling stubbornly back.

On the ridge, where in late years the Agricultural Society held its annual fairs, the British encamped for the night. After burning several houses and destroying other property, the enemy, on the morning of the 28th, resumed their march toward the Sound."

In the London Gazette of June 7th, 1777, was printed Sir William Howe's official report of the foray. He says (the italics closing the first paragraph are ours) :

" The troops landed on the afternoon of April 25th (Friday), four miles to the eastward of Norwalk and twenty miles from Danbury. In the afternoon of the 26th the detachment reached Danbury, meeting only small parties of the enemy on their march, but General Tryon having intelligence that the whole force of the country was collecting, to take every advantage of the strong ground he was to pass on his return to the shipping, and finding it impossible to procure carriages to bring oft" any part of the stores, they were effectually destroyed, in the execution of which the village was unavoidably burnt.

" On the 27th, in the morning, the troops gutted Danbury, and met with little opposition until they came near to Ridgefield, which was occupied by General Arnold, who had thrown up entrenchments to dispute the passage, while General Wooster hung upon the rear with a separate corps. The village was forced and the enemy driven back on all sides.

" General Tryon lay that night at Ridgefield and renewed his march on the morning of the 28th. The enemy having been reinforced with troops and cannon, disputed every advantageous situation, keeping at the same time small parties to harass the rear, until the general had formed his detachment upon a height within cannon-shot of the shipping, when the enemy advancing, seemingly with an intention to attack him, he ordered the troops to charge with their bayonets, which was executed with such impetuosity that the rebels were totally put to flight, and the detachment embarked without further molestation.

" The enclosed returns set forth the loss sustained by the king's troops, and that of the enemy from the best information .

" Return of the stores, ordnance, provisions, etc., found at the rebel stores, and destroyed by the 'king's troops, in Danbury :

" A quantity of ordnance stores, with iron, etc.; 4000 barrels of beef and pork ; 1000 barrels of flour ; 100 large tierces of biscuit ; 89 barrels of rice ; 120 puncheons of rum ; several large stores of wheat, oats, and Indian corn, in bulk, the quantity thereof could not possibly be ascertained ; 30 pipes of wine ; 100 hogsheads of sugar ; 50 ditto of molasses ; 20 casks of coffee ; 15 large casks filled with medicines of all kinds ; 10 barrels of saltpetre ; 1020 tents and marquees ; a number of iron boilers ; a large quantity of hospital bedding ; engineers', pioneers', and carpenters' tools; a printing-press complete; tar, tallow, etc.; 6000 pairs of shoes and stockings. At a mill between Ridgebury and Ridgefield, 100 banels of flour and a quantity of Indian corn.

" Returned of the killed, wounded, and missing : One drummer and fifer, and 23 rank and file killed ; 3 field officers, 6 captains, 3 subalterns, 9 sergeants, 92 i-ank and file wounded ; 1 drummer and fifer and 27 rank and file missing. Royal artillery, 2 additional killed, 3 matrosses and 1 wheeler wounded, and 1 matross missing.

" Return of the rebels killed and wounded. Killed : General Wooster, Colonel Goold, Colonel Lamb, of the artillery. Colonel Henman, Dr. Atwater, a man of considerable influence. Captain Cooe, Lieutenant Thompson, 100 privates. Wounded : Colonel Whiting, Captain Benjamin, Lieutenant Cooe, 250 privates. Taken : Fifty privates, including several committeemen."

Benjamin married Sarah Mead on 14 Aug 1718 in Ridgefield, Fairfield, Connecticut, USA. Sarah was born on 3 Nov 1695 in Fairfield, Fairfield, Connecticut, USA; died on 1 May 1774 in Ridgefield, Fairfield, Connecticut, USA; was buried in Ridgefield, Fairfield, Connecticut, USA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]